Tuesday, June 7, 2016

The UK's EU referendum: All you need to know


What is happening?

A referendum is being held on Thursday, 23 June to decide whether Britain should leave or remain in the European Union. This article is designed to be an easy-to-understand guide - if you have any questions you can send them in using this link. We'll be answering a selection at the bottom of the page.

What is a referendum?

A referendum is basically a vote in which everyone (or nearly everyone) of voting age can take part, normally giving a "Yes" or "No" answer to a question. Whichever side gets more than half of all votes cast is considered to have won.

Why is a referendum being held?

Prime Minister David Cameron promised to hold one if he won the 2015 general election, in response to growing calls from his own Conservative MPs and the UK Independence Party (UKIP), who argued that Britain had not had a say since 1975, when it voted to stay in the EU in a referendum. The EU has changed a lot since then, gaining more control over our daily lives, they argued. Mr Cameron said: "It is time for the British people to have their say. It is time to settle this European question in British politics."

What is the European Union?

The European Union - often known as the EU - is an economic and political partnership involving 28 European countries (click here if you want to see the full list). It began after World War Two to foster economic co-operation, with the idea that countries which trade together are more likely to avoid going to war with each other. It has since grown to become a "single market" allowing goods and people to move around, basically as if the member states were one country. It has its own currency, the euro, which is used by 19 of the member countries, its own parliament and it now sets rules in a wide range of areas - including on the environment, transport, consumer rights and even things like mobile phone charges. Click here for a beginners guide to how the EU works.

What will the referendum question be?

"Should the United Kingdom remain a member of the European Union or leave the European Union?" Read more: Does the wording of a referendum question matter?

What does Brexit mean?

It is a word that has become used as a shorthand way of saying the UK leaving the EU - merging the words Britain and exit to get Brexit, in a same way as a Greek exit from the EU was dubbed Grexit in the past.

Who will be able to vote?

British, Irish and Commonwealth citizens over 18 who are resident in the UK, along with UK nationals living abroad who have been on the electoral register in the UK in the past 15 years. Members of the House of Lords and Commonwealth citizens in Gibraltar will also be eligible, unlike in a general election. Citizens from EU countries - apart from Ireland, Malta and Cyprus - will not get a vote.

How do you vote?

It will be a similar system to that during other elections. Firstly, if you have registered to vote, you'll be sent a card telling you when voting takes place and where you should go to vote on 23 June. On that day, when you go to the polling station you will be given a piece of paper with the referendum question on it. You then go to a booth, which will have a pencil in it for your use. You then put a X in the box which reflects your choice and put the paper into a ballot box. Alternatively you will also be able to opt to vote by post. Read more: Electoral Commission's guide to applying to vote by post.

Didn't David Cameron try and change the rules of the UK's EU membership?

Yes. This was the big news back in January and February as David Cameron sought an agreement with other European Union leaders to change the terms of Britain's membership. He says the deal, which will take effect immediately if the UK votes to remain in the EU, gives Britain "special" status within the 28 nation club, and will help sort out some of the things British people say they don't like about the EU, such as high levels of immigration and giving up the ability to run our own affairs.
Critics say his deal will make little difference and falls well short of what he had promised when he announced his plan for a referendum. Read more: What Cameron wanted v what he got
The main points of the deal are:
  • Child benefit - Migrant workers will still be able to send child benefit payments back to to their home country - Mr Cameron had wanted to end this practice - but the payments will be set at a level reflecting the cost of living in their home country rather than the full UK rate
  • Migrant welfare payments - Mr Cameron says cutting the amount of benefits low paid workers from other EU nations can claim when they take a job in the UK will remove one of the reasons people come to Britain in such large numbers (critics say it will make little difference). He did not get the blanket ban he wanted. New arrivals will not be able to claim tax credits and other welfare payments straight away - but will gradually gain the right to more benefits the longer they stay, at a rate yet to be decided.
  • Keeping the pound - Mr Cameron has said Britain will never join the euro. He secured assurances that the eurozone countries will not discriminate against Britain for having a different currency. Any British money spent on bailing out eurozone nations that get into trouble will also be reimbursed.
  • Protection for the City of London - Safeguards for Britain's large financial services industry to prevent eurozone regulations being imposed on it
  • Running its own affairs - For the first time, there will be a clear commitment that Britain is not part of a move towards "ever closer union" with other EU member states - one of the core principles of the EU. This will be incorporated in an EU treaty change. Mr Cameron also secured a "red card" system for national parliaments making it easier for governments to band together to block unwanted legislation. If 55% of national EU parliaments object to a piece of EU legislation it will be rethought. Critics say it is not clear if this would ever be used in practice.

Who wants the UK to leave the EU?

The British public are fairly evenly split, according to the latest opinion polls. The UK Independence Party, which won the last European elections, and received nearly four million votes - 13% of those cast - in May's general election, campaigns for Britain's exit from the EU. About half of Conservative MPs, including five cabinet ministers, several Labour MPs and the DUP are also in favour of leaving.

Why do they want the UK to leave?

They believe Britain is being held back by the EU, which they say imposes too many rules on business and charges billions of pounds a year in membership fees for little in return. They also want Britain to take back full control of its borders and reduce the number of people coming here to work. One of the main principles of EU membership is "free movement", which means you don't need to get a visa to go and live in another EU country. They also object to the idea of "ever closer union" and what they see as moves towards the creation of a "United States of Europe".

Who wants the UK to stay in the EU?

Prime Minister David Cameron wants Britain to stay in the EU, now he has got some powers back from it. Sixteen members of his cabinet also back staying in. The Conservative Party has pledged to be neutral in the campaign - but the Labour Party, SNP, Plaid Cymru and the Lib Dems are all in favour of staying in. US president Barack Obama also wants Britain to remain in the EU, as do other EU nations such as France and Germany. As mentioned above, according to polls, the British public seems pretty evenly split on the issue.

Why do they want the UK to stay?

Those campaigning for Britain to stay in the EU say it gets a big boost from membership - it makes selling things to other EU countries easier and, they argue, the flow of immigrants, most of whom are young and keen to work, fuels economic growth and helps pay for public services. They also believe Britain's status in the world would be damaged by leaving and that we are more secure as part of the 28 nation club, rather than going it alone.

So would Britain be better in or out?

It depends which way you look at it - or what you believe is important. Leaving the EU would be a big step - arguably far more important than who wins a general election - but would it set the nation free or condemn it to economic ruin? Here is a rundown of the arguments for and against.

What about businesses?

Big business - with a few exceptions - tends to be in favour of Britain staying in the EU because it makes it easier for them to move money, people and products around the world. BT chairman Sir Mike Rake, a recent CBI president, says there are "no credible alternatives" to staying in the EU. But others disagree, such as Lord Bamford, chairman of JCB, who says an EU exit would allow the UK to negotiate trade deals as our country "rather than being one of 28 nations". Many small and medium-sized firms would welcome a cut in red tape and what they see as petty regulations. The British Chambers of Commerce says 55% of members back staying in a reformed EU.

What are the rules for campaigning?

The Electoral Commission is in charge of making sure it's a fair contest. It has designated lead campaigns for both the "leave" and "remain" sides. The official campaigns - Vote Leave and Britain Stronger in Europe - get access to a grant of up to £600,000, an overall spending limit of £7m, campaign broadcasts, free mailshots and free access to meeting rooms. The Electoral Commission haspublished a guide to the rules.

So who is leading the rival sides in the campaign?

  • Britain Stronger in Europe - the main cross-party group campaigning for Britain to remain in the EU is headed by former Marks and Spencer chairman Lord Rose. It is backed by key figures from the Conservative Party, including prime minister David Cameron and Chancellor George Osborne, most Labour MPs, including party leader Jeremy Corbyn and Alan Johnson, who is running the Labour In for Britain campaign, the Lib Dems, Plaid Cymru, the Alliance party and the SDLP in Northern Ireland, and the Green Party. Who is funding the campaign: Britain Stronger in Europe has raised £6.88m so far, boosted by two donations totalling £2.3m from the supermarket magnate and Labour peer Lord Sainsbury. Other prominent Remain donors included hedge fund manager David Harding (£750,000), businessman and Travelex founder Lloyd Dorfman (£500,000) and the Tower Limited Partnership (£500,000). Read a Who's Who guide. Who else is campaigning to remain: The SNP is running its own remain campaign in Scotland as it does not want to share a platform with the Conservatives. Several smaller groups have also registered to campaign.
  • Vote Leave - A cross-party campaign that has the backing of senior Conservatives such as Michael Gove and Boris Johnson plus a handful of Labour MPs, including Gisela Stuart and Graham Stringer, and UKIP's Douglas Carswell and Suzanne Evans, and the DUP in Northern Ireland. Former Tory chancellor Lord Lawson and SDP founder Lord Owen are also involved. It has a string of affiliated groups such as Farmers for Britain, Muslims for Britain and Out and Proud, a gay anti-EU group, aimed at building support in different communities. Who is funding the campaign: Vote Leave has raised £2.78m so far. Its largest supporter is businessman Patrick Barbour, who gave £500,000. Former Conservative Party treasurer Peter Cruddas gave a £350,000 donation and construction mogul Terence Adams handed over £300,000. Read a Who's Who guideWho else is campaigning to leave: UKIP leader Nigel Farage is not part of Vote Leave. His party is running its own campaign. The Trade Union and Socialist Coalition is also running its own out campaign. Several smaller groups have also registered to campaign.
Thanks for sending in your questions. Here are a selection of them, and our answers:

Do I have to register to take part in the EU referendum?

A lot of people asked about this. To be clear, if you are a British, Irish or Commonwealth citizen on the electoral register you will be able to vote in the referendum. You will not have to register specially. You can check with your local authority's electoral services team if you are worried that you are not on the register. If you want to take part in the referendum and you are not on the register you have until midnight on Tuesday, 7 June to submit an application for a vote. The deadlines for applying for a postal vote at the referendum are:
Northern Ireland - 5pm, Friday 3 June 2016
Great Britain - 5pm, Wednesday 8 June 2016
In England, Scotland or Wales, you can register to vote online anytime atgov.uk/register-to-vote. If you are a British citizen living abroad, you can register to vote online in the same way. In Northern Ireland, visit the government's Register to vote in Northern Ireland page to download a registration form. If you are an Irish citizen living abroad who was born in Northern Ireland, visit the Electoral Office for Northern Ireland website to download the correct form.

Which MPs are for staying and which are for leaving?

The good news for Edward, from Cambridge, who asked this question, is we have been working on exactly such a list. Click here for the latest version..

Will it simply be the case of all votes being counted to give two totals?

Yes, is the answer to this question from William from West Sussex. All the votes will be counted and then added up, with a straight majority needed to provide the result. In answer to some other people's questions, there is no minimum turnout needed. So if, for the sake of argument, only three people voted on the day, if two of them voted to leave, that would be the result.

I'm away on holiday for the week of 23 June - can I still vote?

The good news for Dean from West Sussex - and the many others of you who asked the same question - is that you will be able to vote by post, as people can in local and general elections. Here's the Electoral Commission's guide to applying to vote by post.

When and how will the results be announced?

In answer to a question from John, from Lewes, counts will get under way when polls close at 22:00 GMT Thursday, 23 June at 382 local centres around the UK. These local results will be declared as the counts are completed before being collated at 12 regional centres, which will also declare the totals for each side. A chief counting officer will then announce the overall result at Manchester Town Hall.

If the UK left the EU would UK citizens need special permits to work in the EU?

Lots of people asked about this. A lot would depend on the kind of deal the UK agreed with the EU after exit. If it remained within the single market, it would almost certainly retain free movement rights allowing UK citizens to work in the EU and vice versa. If the government opted to impose work permit restrictions, as UKIP wants, then other countries could reciprocate, meaning Britons would have to apply for visas to work.

What about EU nationals who want to work in the UK?

As explained in the answer above, it would depend on whether the UK government decided to introduce a work permit system of the kind that currently applies to non-EU citizens, limiting entry to skilled workers in professions where there are shortages.

Would leaving the EU mean we wouldn't have to abide by the European Court of Human Rights?

Duncan, from Chippenham, wanted to know if the UK could deport terror suspects to their own countries to face charges without being overruled by the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) in Strasbourg.
The ECHR is not a European Union institution. It was set up by the Council of Europe, which has 47 members including Russia and Ukraine. So quitting the EU would not exempt the UK from its decisions.
The UK government is, however, committed to repealing the Human Rights Act which requires UK courts to treat the ECHR as setting legal precedents for the UK, in favour of a British Bill of Rights. As part of that, David Cameron is expected to announce measures that will boost the powers of courts in England and Wales to over-rule judgements handed down by the ECHR.

Has any member state ever left the EU, or would the UK be the first?

Pauline, from Shipston on Stour, asked this one. No nation state has ever left the EU. But Greenland, one of Denmark's overseas territories, held a referendum in 1982, after gaining a greater degree of self government, and voted by 52% to 48% to leave, which it duly did after a period of negotiation. The BBC's Carolyn Quinnvisited Greenland at the end of last year to find out how they did it.

If we stay in do we keep the pound for ever?

It is up the UK government to decide whether or not to keep the pound or switch to the euro. The deal David Cameron struck with the EU included recognition that the UK has no plans to switch to the euro currency.

How much does the UK contribute to the EU and how much do we get in return?

In answer to this query from Nancy from Hornchurch - the UK is one of 10 member states who pay more into the EU budget than they get out, only France and Germany contribute more. In 2014/15, Poland was the largest beneficiary, followed by Hungary and Greece.
The UK also gets an annual rebate that was negotiated by Margaret Thatcher and money back, in the form of regional development grants and payments to farmers, which added up to £4.6bn in 2014/15. According to the latest Treasury figures, the UK's net contribution for 2014/15 was £8.8bn - nearly double what it was in 2009/10.
The National Audit Office, using a different formula which takes into account EU money paid directly to private sector companies and universities to fund research, and measured over the EU's financial year, shows the UK's net contribution for 2014 was £5.7bn. Read more number crunching from Reality Check.

If I retire to Spain or another EU country will my healthcare costs still be covered?

David, from East Sussex, is worried about what would happen to his retirement plans if Britain votes to leave the EU. This is one of those issues where it is not possible to say definitively what would happen. At the moment, the large British expat community in Spain gets free access to Spanish GPs and their hospital treatment is paid for by the NHS. After they become permanent residents Spain pays for their hospital treatment. Similar arrangements are in place with other EU countries.
If Britain leaves the EU but remains in the single market, or the European Economic Area as it is known, it might be able to continue with this arrangement,according to a House of Commons library research note. If Britain has to negotiate trade deals with individual member states, it may opt to continue paying for expats' healthcare through the NHS or decide that they would have to cover their own costs if they continue to live abroad, if the country where they live declines to do so.

Will the opinion polls get it wrong again?

The short answer is that we'll find out on 24 June! John wrote to ask whether we are in for a repeat of the general election when the opinion polls underestimated support for one side, the Conservatives, and overstated support for the other, Labour. As John points out, research suggests younger people are more likely to vote to remain in the EU, while older voters tend to favour out. But as a general rule, older people are more likely to vote in elections than younger people. The "don't knows" are also running at between 17% and 20%. Prof John Curtice, who supervised the general election exit poll, has also noticed a difference between polls conducted online, which suggest the race is close, and ones conducted over the telephone, which put the Remain campaign ahead. Opinion polling is not an exact science - for more information on the latest referendum polls and analysis by Prof Curtice, visit the National Centre for Social Research's What UK thinks site.

Who counts as a British citizen?

Jude wanted to know if his Peruvian girlfriend, who is a British citizen but has been living in Peru for five years, can take part in the referendum. The answer is yes, if she has appeared on the UK electoral register in the past 15 years.

How long will it take for Britain to leave the EU?

This was a question asked by many people. The minimum period after a vote to leave would be two years. During that time Britain would continue to abide by EU treaties and laws, but not take part in any decision-making, as it negotiated a withdrawal agreement and the terms of its relationship with the now 27 nation bloc. In practice it may take longer than two years, depending on how the negotiations go.

Could MPs block an EU exit if Britain votes for it?

Michael, from East Sussex asks an intriguing question - could the necessary legislation pass the Commons if all SNP and Lib Dems, nearly all Labour and many Conservative MPs were in favour of staying?
The answer is that technically MPs could block an EU exit - but it would be seen as political suicide to go against the will of the people as expressed in a referendum. The referendum result is not legally binding - Parliament still has to pass the laws that will get Britain out of the 28 nation bloc, starting with the repeal of the 1972 European Communities Act.
The withdrawal agreement would also have to be ratified by Parliament - the House of Lords and/or the Commons could vote against ratification, according to a House of Commons library report.
It adds: "If the Commons resolves against ratification, the treaty can still be ratified if the Government lays a statement explaining why the treaty should nonetheless be ratified and the House of Commons does not resolve against ratification a second time within 21 days (this process can be repeated ad infinitum)."
In practice, Conservative MPs who voted to remain in the EU would be whipped to vote with the government. Any who defied the whip would have to face the wrath of voters at the next general election.
One scenario that could see the referendum result overturned, is if MPs forced a general election and a party campaigned on a promise to keep Britain in the EU, got elected and then claimed that the election mandate topped the referendum one. Two thirds of MPs would have to vote for a general election to be held before the next scheduled one in 2020.

What is the single market?

Virginia, from Hayling Island, asked several questions around the concept of the single market. You could probably write a book on this one. But we'll try to keep it brief. The single market is seen by its advocates as the EU's biggest achievement and one of the main reasons it was set up in the first place. Britain was a member of a free trade area in Europe before it joined what was then known as the common market. In a free trade area countries can trade with each other without paying tariffs - but it is not a single market because the member states do not have to merge their economies together.
The European Union single market, which was completed in 1992, allows the free movement of goods, services, money and people within the European Union, as if it was a single country. It is possible to set up a business or take a job anywhere within it. The idea was to boost trade, create jobs and lower prices. But it requires common law-making to ensure products are made to the same technical standards and imposes other rules to ensure a "level playing field". Critics say it generates too many petty regulations and robs members of control over their own affairs. Mass migration from poorer to richer countries has also raised questions about the free movement rule. Read more: A free trade area v EU single market

What will happen to protected species if Britain leaves the EU?

Dee, from Launceston, wanted to know what would happen to EU laws covering protected species such as bats if Britain left. The answer is that they would remain in place, initially at least. After a leave vote, the government would probably review all EU-derived laws in the two years leading up to the official exit date to see which ones to keep or scrap.
The status of Special Areas of Conservation and Special Protection Areas, which are designated by the EU, would be reviewed to see what alternative protections could be applied. The same process would apply to European Protected Species legislation, which relate to bats and their habitats.
The government would want to avoid a legislative vacuum caused by the repeal of EU laws before new UK laws are in place - it would also continue to abide by other international agreements covering environmental protection.

How much money will the UK save through changes to migrant child benefits and welfare payments?

Martin, from Poole, in Dorset, wanted to know what taxpayers are likely to get back from the benefit curbs negotiated by David Cameron in Brussels. We don't exactly know because the details have not been worked out. HM Revenue and Customs have suggested about 20,000 EU nationals receive child benefit payments in respect of 34,000 children in their country of origin at an estimated cost of about £30m.
But the total saving is likely to be significantly less than that because Mr Cameron did not get the blanket ban he wanted. Instead, payments will be linked to the cost of living in the countries where the children live. David Cameron has said that as many as 40% of EU migrant families who come to Britain could lose an average of £6,000 a year of in-work benefits when his "emergency brake" is applied. The DWP estimates between 128,700 and 155,100 people would be affected. But the cuts will be phased in. New arrivals will not get tax credits and other in-work benefits straight away but will gradually gain access to them over a four year period at a rate yet to be decided.

If we leave the EU does it mean we would be barred from the Eurovision Song Contest?

Sophie from Peterborough, who asks the question, need not worry. We have consulted Alasdair Rendall, president of the UK Eurovision fan club, who says: "No, we would not be barred. All participating countries must be a member of the European Broadcasting Union. The EBU - which is totally independent of the EU - includes countries both inside and outside of the EU, and also includes countries such as Israel that are outside of Europe. Indeed the UK started participating in the Eurovision Song Contest in 1957, 16 years before joining the then EEC."

Do Commonwealth citizens resident in the UK on a limited work visa get to vote?

Brendan, from London, wonders whether Commonwealth citizens need to have been granted indefinite leave to remain to get a vote. The Electoral Commission guidelines say: "Any type of leave to enter or remain is acceptable, whether indefinite, time limited or conditional." That means all citizens of India, Australia, Pakistan, Canada and 48 other Commonwealth nations who are living in the UK can take part (provided they are old enough and are on the electoral register). As can citizens of British overseas territories, such as the Falkland Islands, Bermuda or Gibraltar, if they are currently residing in the UK. Here is a full list of Commonwealth countries.

Can EU citizens who are resident in the UK and on the electoral roll vote in the referendum?

Philip, from Kriton in Lindsey, North Lincolnshire, asked this. The answer is no, unless you are an Irish, Malta or Cyprus citizen. The rules are the same as for a general election, when EU citizens living in the UK are not allowed to take part. So they will not get a polling card and not be on the list at the polling station.

What impact would leaving the EU have on house prices?

John, in London, is concerned about what will happen to house prices if Britain leaves the EU and "millions of EU citizens need to leave" creating a flood of available housing. This is one of those questions where there is no clear-cut factual answer. But we can say that none of the main players are suggesting that citizens of other EU countries will be "sent packing" (to use John's phrase) after a Leave vote. There are a host of other variables that have an impact on property prices, including things like interest rates and the general state of the economy. But expect this to be one of those issues fought over by both sides during the campaign.

What is the 'red tape' that the opponents of the EU go on about?

Ged, from Liverpool, suspects "red tape" is a euphemism for employment rights and environmental protection. According to the Open Europe think tank, four of the top five most costly EU regulations are either employment or environment-related. The UK renewable energy strategy, which the think-tank says costs £4.7bn a year, tops the list. The working time directive (£4.2bn a year) - which limits the working week to 48 hours - and the temporary agency workers directive (£2.1bn a year), giving temporary staff many of the same rights as permanent ones - are also on the list.
There is nothing to stop a future UK government reproducing these regulations in British law, if the country left the EU. And the costs of so-called "red tape" would not necessarily disappear overnight in the event of an exit - if Britain opted to follow the "Norway model" and remained in the European Economic Area most of the EU-derived laws would remain in place.

Would Britain be party to the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership if it left?

Ste, in Bolton, asked about this. The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership - or TTIP - currently under negotiation between the EU and United States will create the biggest free trade area the world has ever seen. Cheerleaders for TTIP, including David Cameron, believe it could make American imports cheaper and boost British exports to the US to the tune of £10bn a year. But many on the left, including Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn, fear it will shift more power to multinational corporations, undermine public services, wreck food standards and threaten basic rights. Quitting the EU would mean the UK would not be part of TTIP. It would have negotiate its own trade deal with the US.

What impact would leaving the EU have on the NHS?

Paddy, from Widnes, wanted to know how leaving the EU would affect the number of doctors we have and how it would impact the NHS. This became an issue in the referendum debate after the Leave campaign claimed the money Britain sends to the EU, which it claims is £350m a week, could be spent on the NHS instead. The BBC's Reality Check team looked into this claim and found it to be dubious.Health Secretary Jeremy Hunt has warned that leaving the EU would lead to budget cuts and an exodus of overseas doctors and nurses. The Leave campaign dismissed his intervention as "scaremongering" and continues to insist that EU membership fees could be spent on domestic services like the NHS. Former Labour health secretary Lord Owen has said the only way to protect the NHS from further privatisation is to get out of the EU. He says a planned trade deal between the EU and US - the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) - would put the NHS in "serious danger".
Got a question on the UK's EU referendum? Submit it using the form below and we will answer a selection:
http://www.bbc.com/news/uk-politics-32810887

What if the euro fails?


When the European sovereign debt crisis began in late 2009, few experts believed it would bring about the demise of the euro, a currency used by 17 of the 27 European Union countries. But today, with a steady stream of bad news coming from Europe, speculation has grown -- at least in some circles -- that the euro's days might be numbered or at least that a handful of the most troubled countries like Greece might exit the euro and use their own currency going forward.
"The likelihood of a full-scale collapse of the euro remains very remote," says Werner Bonadurer, a clinical professor of finance at the W.P. Carey School of Business at Arizona State University in Tempe, Ariz. "But the impossible has become possible, and it is necessary to think about the unthinkable."

Preparing for the unthinkable

Taken as a whole, Europe represents America's largest trading partner. "The most common currency for transactions between U.S. and European businesses is the dollar," says James Sagner, associate professor in the School of Business at the University of Bridgeport in Connecticut. "But the euro is a close second, and that leaves anyone doing business with Europe very exposed."
Part of the problem is that uncertainty about the euro's future is driving the currency's value down relative to the dollar, Sagner says. Currently, the euro is trading near its 52-week low, and many economists believe the dollar and euro may eventually trade at a 1-to-1 ratio.
"If you made a deal to be paid in euros, you're losing money right now," Sagner says.
Going forward, you have a few options. First, American businesses can always write contracts that specify payment in dollars. Or, those companies can buy so-called forward contract, which lock in a future price for the euro, he says.
"You'll pay a little more for a forward contract, but if the price drops dramatically, you won't be affected," Sagner says. "(As is), small- and medium-sized businesses don't have experience with forward contracts, and you generally find that only the larger banks even offer the product."

What happens next?

"There are a lot of possible scenarios," says David Song, a currency analyst for DailyFX in New York. "None of them are very good."
Broadly speaking, the euro faces several possibilities.
A total collapse, which experts like Bonadurer stress is remote, could trigger a far-reaching catastrophe.
"Such a collapse would lead to a multiyear depression in Europe and several years of recession in the U.S.," Bonadurer says.
But it wouldn't be a typical recession in the U.S., says Terry Connelly, dean emeritus of the Ageno School of Business at Golden Gate University in San Francisco.
"Collapse of the euro would have a worse impact on the U.S. economy than the Great Recession because it would produce an even greater one worldwide," Connelly says. "A rush of financial assets out of the eurozone would play havoc with currencies and the price of oil."
Even worse, Connelly predicts a collapse also could destroy interbank lending worldwide. A run on banks around the world would freeze credit markets, making it difficult for businesses to borrow money. But unlike a similar crisis in the U.S. in 2008, Connelly says "there really is no road map" for saving the global banking industry because there's no single global entity that wields as much power internationally as the U.S. Federal Reserve does domestically.
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Monday, June 6, 2016

Was this Bernie's last stand


Dave Matthews, Fantastic Negrito, Fishbone, Yarn and special guests Dr. Cornel West, Shailene Woodley and Danny Glover.
This event is free and open to the public, but RSVPs are strongly encouraged. Admission is first come, first served. All guests should enter the park from the east via Old Mason Street or the San Francisco Bay Trail. Sunscreen and field appropriate footwear recommended.
For security reasons, please do not bring bags and limit what you bring to small, personal items like keys and cell phones. Weapons, sharp objects, chairs, and signs or banners will not be allowed through security.
No guest parking is available at Crissy Field. Limited paid parking is available at the Presidio Main Post (see PresidiGo shuttle information below) and on streets and parking lots outside of the Presidio. Guests are strongly encouraged to use public transportation, bike, walk, Uber, Lyft, taxi, etc. Drop-off site for Uber, Lyft, taxi, or personal vehicle is located near 1199 East Beach, at Old Mason Street, San Francisco, CA 94129. For public transit, take SF MUNI 43 to Presidio Transit Center and transfer to the free PresidiGo Shuttle Crissy Field Route (service ends at 7 pm), or use stop at Richardson Ave & Francisco St serviced by MUNI routes 28, 28R, 76X, 91, as well as Golden Gate Transit routes 2, 4, 8, 10, 18, 24, 27, & 38.

Saturday, June 4, 2016

A couple things from myself for inspiration



God, Allah, Jehova, whoever,  gave you freedom.

Get off your ass and give "yourself" equality.




Take a moment to think you made it this far.


You will not be punished for your anger, you will be punished by your anger.
Gautama Buddha


You have your way. I have my way. As for the right way, the correct way, and the only way, it does not exist.
Friedrich Nietzsche
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Thursday, June 2, 2016

5 Things You Need to Know About the Coming Trump vs. Clinton Showdown


Bernie Sanders fans and #NeverTrumpers might not be ready to discuss a Hillary Clinton versus Donald Trump general election matchup, but the rest of the political world is—and the picture right now looks pretty grim for the Republicans.
It didn’t necessarily have to turn out this way. There’s good reason to think that, had the Republicans run a “generic” candidate, the GOP would have had an electoral edge in 2016. But Trump is anything but generic, with historic unfavorables that surpass even Clinton’s significant ones—and the math shows that Clinton, as unpopular as she is, could potentially be the first candidate since 1984 to win the two-party popular vote by more than 10 percentage points.


That said, we’re six months out from Election Day—plenty of time for more Trump surprises in an election year already riddled with them.
And with that, here are 5 points to keep in mind as we kick off the main campaign—from what to expect if Trump doesn’t change course, to what to consider if he does.
1. A generic Republican might have been a favorite for the White House.
Way back in early 2015, there were at least two major reasons to think the GOP would have a leg up in a presidential contest.
For one, fundamental factors such as the economy and the president’s approval rating were operating in the Republicans’ favor. The incumbent president’s party typically pays a price for economic troubles, and, while far better than just a few years earlier, in 2015 the economy was not exactly roaring. Average annual growth from 2013 to 2015 was only about 2 percent, compared to an average annual growth rate of more than 3 percent since World War II. On top of that, President Barack Obama’s approval rating was about 45 percent at the end of 2015, which, based on past elections, would give a slim edge to the GOP in a two-party presidential contest.
Second, parties almost never win three straight White House terms. Since Harry Truman’s time, only the Republicans have managed to accomplish this feat—and this just once, when George H.W. Bush won in 1988 after Ronald Reagan’s two terms in office.
The numbers are a little different in 2016: Obama’s approval rating sits around 50 percent, and the economy remains decent enough that Americans feel relatively good about it—similar to how they felt before the Great Recession hit. But neither Obama’s job performance rating nor economic growth are high enough to give a significant edge to the Democrats, especially when coupled with the fact that the nominees are competing for an open seat (incumbents usually have an advantage). In fact, political scientist John Sides and his colleagues built a probability model based on those three factors that suggests a generic edge for the Republican nominee in the fall.
With that said, this year’s Republican nominee is not a generic nominee—and that changes everything.

2. In a Clinton vs. Trump race, Clinton begins as the favorite.
One would not expect a candidate with a -12 net favorability rating to enter a general election campaign as the favored competitor. But Hillary Clinton will indeed begin the long march toward November as the favorite. What Clinton needed is an opponent who is even more disliked by the public than she is, and Donald Trump is just what her doctor ordered: Trump’s net favorability is currently -24 according to HuffPost Pollster’s polling average. We appear to be headed for a matchup between perhaps the two most loathed general election candidates in modern U.S. political history.

Yes, it’s true that Trump is an unprecedented political figure who has been consistently underestimated, only to remarkably end up in his current position as the presumptive GOP presidential nominee. But, in reaching that elevated standing Trump has also alienated large swaths of key constituencies, including many Republicans. His unprecedented unpopularity will likely have serious, negative consequences for his electoral chances.

The worst number for Trump may be his rating among women. At the start of April, Gallup found that 70 percent of women held an unfavorable view of the real estate mogul, compared to 58 percent of men. While more women vote Democratic than Republican—a partisan gender gap that has existed in every presidential election dating back to 1980—women will likely form a slight majority of the electorate in November, just as they have for decades, so they are still a constituency that Trump should worry about—a lot. And, considering Trump’s hits on Clinton for “playing the woman’s card”—which Clinton happily embraced in a fundraising appeal—his gendered language and attacks probably aren’t going away. While Trump’s campaign believes this will help him improve his support among white women, who have backed all GOP nominees since 1996, that strategy is a bit of a gamble, and could well backfire.

And then there are Hispanic voters, who appear to abhor Trump. The research firm Latino Decisions recently found Trump’s net favorability among Latinos to be -78 percent, while Hillary Clinton’s is +29 percent. To put Trump’s numbers into perspective within his party, Ted Cruz’s net favorability was -16 percent, and John Kasich’s was -10 percent. Although Hispanic voters will be heavily concentrated in uncompetitive California and Texas, they will be very important in at least three swing states: Colorado (where Hispanics made up 14 percent of the state’s 2012 electorate), Florida (17 percent) and Nevada (19 percent). In light of how Trump is viewed by this demographic group, it’s not difficult to imagine Clinton winning 80 percent of Latinos after Obama won 71 percent in 2012. And, most projections expect Latinos to make up more of the electorate than they did in 2012, when they comprised 10 percent of all voters. That assumption is based partly on the growing Latino population, but also on the fact that hatred of Trump may motivate more Hispanics to register to vote and turn out to the polls.

Lastly, party unity is likely to be a bigger problem for Trump than Clinton. There’s little question that #NeverTrump is a larger force within the GOP than the anti-Clinton contingent is within the Democratic Party. Take the April 26 Pennsylvania primary as an example. Based on the exit poll, 84 percent of Democrats said they would definitely or probably vote for Clinton if she won the Democratic nomination, and 11 percent said they would be “scared” if Clinton became president. Overall, 69 percent of Democrats felt the Clinton-Sanders contest had energized the party while 26 percent felt it had divided Democrats. Contrast those numbers to views of Republicans in the Keystone State: Only 39 percent felt the GOP campaign had energized the party while 58 percent felt it had divided Republicans. In total, 77 percent said they would definitely or probably vote for Trump in the general election, and 22 percent said they would be “scared” if he became president. Of course, there is ample time for Trump to bring anti-Trump Republicans back into the fold, and his favorability numbers among party members have improved in recent weeks. Still, via Gallup, his net favorable rating among Republicans was +29 as of May 5 versus +44 for Clinton among Democrats.

These factors, coupled with Clinton’s healthy lead over Trump in early horserace polling, led the Crystal Ball to make Clinton a large favorite in our first Clinton-Trump Electoral College map, in which we give Clinton a 347 to 191 edge in the electoral vote. (Many people, including some Republicans, have told us they believe this projection is actually too kind to Trump.)


SabatoCrystalBallElectoralMap

3. Recent presidential elections have been relatively close in the popular vote. This one might not be.
Dating back to 1988, seven straight White House contests have been decided by less than 10 percentage points in the two-party popular vote. This competitive streak matches the country’s previous record, which occurred from 1876 to 1900.
We at the Crystal Ball have been fairly adamant that it will be hard for either party to win more than 55 percent of the two-party vote in 2016, in part because of election fundamentals—economic conditions and the incumbent president’s approval rating—and because of the political polarization that exists in the country today. Months of anti-Clinton ads and presidential campaigning are likely to push many recalcitrant Republicans toward backing their party’s nominee, improving his electoral chances.
However, it’s possible that Clinton could break this competitive streak and win by a little more than 10 points—particularly if Trump struggles to unite his party around him, continues to poll terribly with nonwhite voters, and remains weaker than Mitt Romney’s 2012 support level among whites, particularly white women. Here’s some basic demographic math: Take the 2012 exit poll as a starting point and calculate the two-party vote based off those voting percentages. That year, the electorate was 72 percent White, 13 percent African American, 10 percent Hispanic, 3 percent Asian and 2 percent something else. Now, add in the assumption that the electorate will be slightly more nonwhite in 2016, with an uptick in Latino vote share to 12 percent and Asian to 4 percent, and with Blacks falling to 12 percent without Obama on the ticket. If Trump performs about three points worse among white voters than Romney did in the two-party vote, perhaps as a result of losing some highly educated suburbanites, while Clinton wins four out of every five Latino votes because of Trump’s anti-immigration rhetoric, that could produce the conditions for Clinton to win the two-party popular vote by just a little bit more than 10 points.
4. The down-ballot consequences may be grim for Republicans.
In 2014, Republican Govs. John Kasich of Ohio and Brian Sandoval of Nevada each won reelection and dramatically increased their share of the vote from their initial victories four years earlier. Kasich went from 49 percent in 2010 to 64 percent, and Sandoval jumped from 53 percent to 71 percent. Yet, while their vote share increased, their actual number of votes did not: Kasich added just about 56,000 votes to his total (out of about 3 million cast), while Sandoval added just about 4,000 votes (out of about 547,000 cast). Why? Because, the second time around, these governors’ Democratic opponents were so uninspiring that Democrats didn’t show up to vote. (Both Sandoval’s and Kasich’s 2014 opponents won about half the total votes of their predecessors.) And this led to a down-ballot disaster: In 2014, Democrats got blown out in every statewide race in Ohio, and Nevada Democrats surprisingly lost all the statewide offices in Nevada, as well as control of the state legislature.
We bring this example up to note that there’s reason to be skeptical of Republican efforts to insulate themselves from the top of their own ticket. Yes, gubernatorial elections are different than presidential elections, and midterm turnout is naturally lower than presidential-year turnout. But it’s not crazy to envision a similar situation unfolding at the national level. If Trump’s lackluster numbers remain poor, we could see a notable drop in Republican turnout—which would threaten GOP congressional candidates in key states and districts.
Given the increasing amount of straight-ticket voting, where voters pick the same party for president and for congressional races, and because the most competitive Senate races this year are mostly taking place in presidential swing states, it seems likely that the party that wins the White House will also win the Senate. It’s possible that the House could come into play, but Republicans have a nice 30-seat cushion; moreover, House Democrats have failed to recruit decent candidates in some potentially vulnerable GOP seats.
And that’s just if turnout remains pretty average.
If Republican turnout craters because of Trump, the damage to the GOP could be extreme, and many Democrats who look unelectable today could find themselves in office next year. Democrats might win Senate seats that the Crystal Ball currently see as leaning toward Republicans, such as Arizona and Missouri, creating opportunities for a large majority in the upper chamber. And in the House, depressed GOP turnout could swing the House, unseating Republicans thought to be safe and ushering in a number “accidental congressmen.”

5. If the numbers change, the outlook needs to change.
It’s clear that most analysts, ourselves included, did not take Trump’s candidacy nearly as seriously as we should have when he announced it back in June 2015. Once his numbers among Republicans improved and he held polling leads for months—far longer than some shooting star candidates did in 2012—observers should have recalibrated their expectations and given Trump more credence as a candidate. But, if you look back at polling at the start of his campaign, there were legitimate reasons to doubt Trump.
For one, Trump had flirted with running several times before, and it didn’t seem at all certain that he would be in the race for the long haul. Additionally, Trump’s favorability among Republicans was very weak: Quinnipiac University found it at 34 percent favorable/52 percent unfavorable in late May 2015 andMonmouth University found a 20 percent /55 percent split in June, right before Trump entered the race. Things got complicated when Trump quickly turned those numbers around and shot up the charts in Republican primary polling. Analysts didn’t make a mistake in pointing out Trump’s poor numbers when he entered the race; instead, our collective mistake was being too slow to adjust when the numbers did change and his durable level of appeal became apparent.
As much as many like to dump on polls, a sneaky story of this election season is that, taken together, the polls have been fairly decent. The many national polls that showed Trump leading throughout 2015 accurately picked up on his solid support from at least a plurality of Republican primary voters. And while national polls severely undersold Bernie Sanders’ potential—which was understandable considering that he was not a true national figure when he announced his candidacy—they consistently showed Clinton with a big lead, and she continues to lead Sanders by 14 points in the aggregate Democratic popular vote.
On the state level, 19 primary states had enough polling data to allow for HuffPost Pollster to create a polling average for both the Democratic and Republican contests. Of those 38 total primaries, the leader in the polling average won the most votes in 35 of them, the only exceptions being the Indiana and Michigan Democratic primaries (Sanders won both after significantly trailing in polls) and the Oklahoma Republican primary (where a big Trump lead turned into a comfortable Cruz win). Granted, several other poll averages were off by a significant amount—particularly on the Democratic side—but by and large the polls got the winners right. Those looking for pinpoint accuracy in polling might have been disappointed, but those using these polls as a rough guide to point themselves in the direction of the winner did get a good sense of where these races were headed.
Therein lies a lesson for the general election, especially because we’re at the point where these surveys are starting to have some predictive value for November: If the numbers start to change, pay attention. Trump’s horserace numbers against Hillary Clinton, both nationally and at the state level, might be poor today, and it might be unlikely that he’ll have as much success improving those numbers with a general election audience as he did with Republicans alone—but we should not rule this possibility out. And if the numbers do change in a consistent way across several reputable polls, we need to write a new narrative.


Read more: http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2016/05/2016-donald-trump-hillary-clinton-election-things-you-should-know-213875#ixzz4AUPXOQZc 
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